Caste is most often seen through the prism of conflict—the heated national debates about reservations, the political polarization on the census and the attacks on young couples that have been blessed by caste panchayats.
But far away from the spotlight, there is the more benign world of organizations and activists who continue to nurture informal networks based on caste, to help fledgeling businesses, build educational institutions and promote philanthropy.
Caste continues to puzzle and infuriate many modernizers, but the institution has survived and changed in the six decades after independence even as it continues to whip up passions that can split most political parties down the middle.
At the same time, analysts feel that the caste organizations’ co-option into politics and vice-versa has led to trivialization of the groups’ roles such as their activities remaining limited to distributing medals and organizing dinners to community members
1. That this is a petition lodged under Article 32 of the Constitution of India for enforcement of the fundamental rights of the petitioners community enshrined under Article 14,15,16,21,26 and their constitutional rights enshrined under Article 341 of the Constitution of India by challenging the vires and constitutionalism of the para 3 of the Constitution (Scheduled caste ) Order, 1950. This order, issued under Article 341 of the Constitution is discriminatory on the ground of religion in that certain Hindu castes have been declared as the Scheduled Castes whereas their Muslim counterparts have been discriminated and denied the status of Scheduled Casts.
The issue of reservation in jobs and educational institutions on the basis of religion is again under scanner after the publication of the Ranganath Mishra Commission report and the interim order of the Supreme Court in the Andhra Pradesh case, providing for reservation for the backward Muslims.
The constitutional mandate is clear. It enjoins equality before the law and leaves no scope for discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of them. Further, it provides for affirmative action for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes, including a provision for reservation of jobs in the favour of backward classes which, in the opinion of the state, is not adequately represented in the services under the state.
The tabling of the Report of the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities (NCRLM), popularly called the Ranganath Mishra Commission report, in the Parliament recently has led to animated debates and mobilisations around the issue of reservations for the Muslim community. Within the Muslim community, there are two contending strands of opinions around this issue of reservations for the Muslim community. Within the Muslim community, there are two contending strands of opinions around this issue. The first group employs the discourse of ‘minority rights' and inter-group inequality to argue its position for reservation for the entire ‘community' (though complicated by the creamy layer provision).
Chitralekha epitomises the face of many poor, Dalit women fighting for their Right to Life and Livelihood in Kannur, Kerala. All this gutsy woman wanted was to drive her auto rickshaw peacefully but ended up in a long-drawn battle with CITU
Abhish K Bose Delhi
"I am their target and they will stop harassing me only after I am finished," says Chitralekha- a poor, Dalit woman- who continues to suffer at the hands of Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) activists, the trade union arm of CPM.
What sparked a raging storm in Chitralekha's life was her decision to drive an auto rickshaw in a Hindu-dominated region of Payyannur in Kannur way back in March 2004. Since then, it has been an uphill task for Chitralekha to make ends meet. Interestingly, her husband, an auto rickshaw driver is also ostracised for marrying a Dalit woman.
Chitralekha says that CITU activists regularly corner her and once even burnt down her auto rickshaw blaming her for 'immoral activities done in a state of drunkardness.' There were attempts on her life, when one CITU activist tried to mow her down under his auto rickshaw. Luckily, only her foot got hurt.
As revealed by a fact finding team led by human rights activists and academicians like Gail Omvedt and Nivedita Menon, opinions from both sides were heard with regard to a violent incident on January 20, 2010. Chitralekha was abused and beaten first by CITU men and then by the police for alleged 'wanton behaviour after getting drunk,' when she drove to hospital to get medicines for her son. Hospital records prove the level of injuries inflicted on her that day, including a bleeding vagina.
However, CITU denied these allegations. "She is an argumentative lady devoid of civilised behavior. Nobody will believe her stories," K Ragavan, President of CITU Payyannur Area Committee told Hardnews.
In its final evaluation, the report acknowledges many more Chitralekhas in Kannur, who are waging similar battles against the dominating and patriarchal social order established by CPI (M) and its other affiliate organisations.
Source:
http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/03/3485
Abhish K Bose Delhi
"I am their target and they will stop harassing me only after I am finished," says Chitralekha- a poor, Dalit woman- who continues to suffer at the hands of Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) activists, the trade union arm of CPM.
What sparked a raging storm in Chitralekha's life was her decision to drive an auto rickshaw in a Hindu-dominated region of Payyannur in Kannur way back in March 2004. Since then, it has been an uphill task for Chitralekha to make ends meet. Interestingly, her husband, an auto rickshaw driver is also ostracised for marrying a Dalit woman.
Chitralekha says that CITU activists regularly corner her and once even burnt down her auto rickshaw blaming her for 'immoral activities done in a state of drunkardness.' There were attempts on her life, when one CITU activist tried to mow her down under his auto rickshaw. Luckily, only her foot got hurt.
As revealed by a fact finding team led by human rights activists and academicians like Gail Omvedt and Nivedita Menon, opinions from both sides were heard with regard to a violent incident on January 20, 2010. Chitralekha was abused and beaten first by CITU men and then by the police for alleged 'wanton behaviour after getting drunk,' when she drove to hospital to get medicines for her son. Hospital records prove the level of injuries inflicted on her that day, including a bleeding vagina.
However, CITU denied these allegations. "She is an argumentative lady devoid of civilised behavior. Nobody will believe her stories," K Ragavan, President of CITU Payyannur Area Committee told Hardnews.
In its final evaluation, the report acknowledges many more Chitralekhas in Kannur, who are waging similar battles against the dominating and patriarchal social order established by CPI (M) and its other affiliate organisations.
Source:
http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/03/3485
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